Mark Mills and Professor Lynn England, Sociology

In my research proposal, I indicated that my research had three primary objectives: 1) discover the underlying psychosocial reasons for Mexican immigration and evaluate the push/pull theory of immigration (i.e. what factors, either psychological, economic, or social, push immigrants away from their native land, and what factors pull them towards the new land), 2) discover whether the expectations of Mexican immigrants are typically met, and 3) delineate the integration and identity formation process that immigrants go through upon entering a new culture. Each of these objectives will be evaluated and examined.

In interviewing Mexican immigrants I discovered, not surprisingly, that the predominant reason why Mexicans immigrate to the U.S. is to improve their financial situation. Mexico’s economy is problematic; work is scarce, and when it is found wages are low. One immigrant’s assessment of employment opportunities is typical, “[En Mexico] no hay ningun fuente de trabajo. Por lo tanto, uno tiene que salir fuera para trabajar.” (In Mexico, there simply isn’t any source of work. Therefore, one has to leave in order to find work). Due to the paucity of work and the low wages of existing jobs, living conditions in Mexico are poor. The factors on the U.S. side of the border that pull Mexican immigrants across the border are the converse of the factors that push them out of their native land. The U.S. economy, for the most part, thrives; unemployment is low, wages are high, and the quality of life is unparalleled.

Although economic considerations contribute most to Mexican immigration, other factors are also evident. Other factors that immigrants cited include a desire to travel and see another country; experience adventure; and be with family members on the other side of the border.

Mexicans have high expectations when they cross over. They expect that they will be able to find work and that their quality of life will improve significantly. The surveys I administered and the interviews I conducted indicated that for the most part their expectations are met. Most of the immigrants I interviewed indicated that, economically speaking, their situations had improved. I witnessed this first-hand as I sat down to various interviews with immigrants in their own homes, and took note of their comfortable middle class lifestyles: carpeted floors (in Mexico, carpet is reserved for the infinitesimal upper class, and is essentially non-existent among the brimming masses), stereos and CD players, and big screen color televisions. It must be noted, however, that the degree to which the expectations of Mexican immigrants are met depends on where the immigrants go. For example, because Los Angeles (47% Hispanic) is inundated with Latinos, Mexican immigrants in L.A. encounter some of the same problems from which they attempted to escape by coming to the U.S. Competition for immigrant jobs is fierce, and quality of life is down. However, if the Mexican immigrants leave L.A. and other such immigrant-inundated areas, they have a much more realistic chance to achieve the quality of life they expected upon crossing the border.

When Mexican immigrants arrive here in the U.S., they are confronted with a new culture, society, and language. They are faced with the daunting task of integrating themselves into U.S. society. My research revealed that little integration actually occurs, and the principal reason why this is the case is the language barrier. Immigrants typically find it difficult to learn English.

Doing so requires a great effort on their part—it requires that they associate consistently with native English speakers. Since this can be awkward and difficult, they find it easier to associate principally with their own kind—with other Latinos. They are thus forced into enclaves, and the enclaves are usually sizable enough that immigrants can live comfortably and competently, without ever really having to speak English. While enclave formation is counterproductive to immigrant integration, it does allow immigrant groups to retain their cultural identity. Immigrant groups are essentially one culture transplanted into the midst of another. The U.S. has often been described as a cultural melting pot, but in light of rigid immigrant enclaves it has been suggested that it would be more appropriate to refer to the U.S. as a cultural stew, since immigrant groups in enclaves tend to retain their cultures, which are not necessarily diluted or dissimilated by the more ubiquitous and pervasive U.S. culture. In short, immigrants’ deficiencies in learning English force them into enclaves. Those interviewed indicated that language rather than race contributes to enclave formation. In other words, it is possible that if the immigrants were to learn English, they could better integrate themselves into U.S. culture. This is particularly evident in second-generation Latinos who grow up learning both Spanish and English. It is common for them to associate freely with peers of various ethnicities.

Overall, conducting this research was a great learning experience for me. I was able to gain insights into the lives of Mexican immigrants. I mentioned in my research proposal that I would like to tell their story qualitatively and not merely quantitatively, and it is entirely possible that this preliminary research will prove to be a springboard to other projects. For example, I have considered the possibility of compiling a collection of border-crossing narratives, or drawing from my research in order to write a fictionalized account of the experience of an immigrant family. But no matter what, I will always be aware of the issue of Mexican immigration, and I will always strive to understand the sorrows and triumphs of Mexican immigrants, because their world and ours is fast becoming inextricably enmeshed.