Doug Farr
In this paper I will address the unwritten order that exists in the highly stratified society of the Kingdom of Tonga. The relationship between power and rank in Tonga has created informal laws that govern the people. These informal laws, as well as a struggle for power, have created a division between the elite class and the powerless class, and this division is generating an uprising of the powerless class. I argue that the powerless class may win independent battles against the informal laws, however they will not defeat it completely, as this system has proven to be a testing ground that has held Tongan communities together for several generations.
In May 2004, while conducting fieldwork in the northern island group of Vava’u, Tonga, I met a man called Sione . Sione first approached me early one morning in town, while I was buying food at the market. We began talking, and it soon became apparent that Sione knew who I was and why I was there. I had only been on the island for about a week, and there are many tourists that come and go daily without notice, so the fact that Sione knew so much about me was surprising. Word travels fast in Tonga.
Over time, Sione became a close friend and consultant as I agreed to help him with his work duties, and he agreed to sit down with me for scheduled interviews. During one of these visits Sione paid little attention to the pen and paper in my hand, and began to speak freely about his story. Sione’s words were filled with emotion as he told of the difficulties he had experienced in the last few years. He explained, “I am Tongan. I was born in Tonga, and I am very proud of my family and background…I left Tonga when I was eight years old. My family moved to the United States. We lived in Utah. That is why I first talked to you, because I heard you were from Utah…I came back to Tonga only 2 years ago, but it wasn’t my choice. I was deported from America, and it has been very hard to come back.”
Sione went into greater detail about this incident. When he was 18 years old he had gotten into trouble and was arrested by the police. Sione was charged with two misdemeanors for breaking the law; however, it was not until after September 11, 2001 that Sione experienced the hard reality of his mistakes.
In an effort to increase homeland security, the U.S. immigration department began reviewing immigrants with police records. Sione’s name was pulled up, and his record was reviewed. The United States government decided to deport Sione because of his police record. Sione left his family and returned to his native village in Vava’u. Sione was in the process of appealing the decision, but he had come to terms with the fact that he may never be able to live with his family in the United States again.
I naively assumed that the biggest challenge for Sione was the distance from his family. While being away from his family was difficult, Sione articulated the challenges of living in a Tongan village with no rank and no power. Sione was introduced to the unwritten order and informal laws of Tonga. Sione discussed this issue in another interview when he said, “I am Tongan, and I speak Tongan, but when I came back to Tonga I was not treated like one. I had no family here, and so I was not treated fairly”.
Through Sione’s story I was able to see the informal laws that are present in Tonga. These informal laws rule most parts of everyday community life in Tonga, but it is not until there is a disruption in these laws that they become easily visible. When Sione moved back to Tonga he became a disruption to the unwritten order in his own village, and his greatest struggle was to find power, rank, and a place within the community. Overtime Sione did find his place, but he was not able to overcome the unwritten order of Tonga. Sione realized that the interplay of power and rank in Tongan societies is central to community and social life.
BACKGROUND AND HISTORY
I offer this story to provide an introduction of power and rank in the Kingdom of Tonga. Through Sione’s story I became aware of the unwritten order, but more importantly, I began to watch for the informal laws in action.
When I talk about informal laws and the unwritten order or code, I use the terms somewhat interchangeably. The unwritten order refers to the rules and laws that are not written down in the official law books. In other words, the written order includes the society’s formal laws, and the unwritten order includes the informal laws. Informal laws are alive in societies around the world. For example, in America, it is not against the law for ego to belch at the dinner table, however the informal laws and societal pressures in America tell us that it is inappropriate for ego to do so. If ego’s father were to slap ego across the face for belching, the formal laws of child abuse and assault could punish ego’s father. Most likely the power and rank that ego’s father holds would prevent any charges from being filed. Ego’s father’s power and rank allowed him to disobey the formal laws to punish ego for breaking the informal laws. This is one example of how informal laws are taught and enforced.
In the story of ego belching, ego’s father was able to slap ego because he held more power and rank. Power and rank thus become vital aspects of the informal laws. However, power and rank are different in America than they are in Tonga. Elizabeth Bott describes that rank in Tonga is prescribed to individuals at birth, it cannot be changed by one’s achievements or by one’s failures. Power, on the other hand, is determined by the ability of one to lead a group and direct its activities (Bott 1981:10). Rank can strongly influence power, but power cannot influence rank. And both principles of rank and power are key to the unwritten order in Tonga.
As I mentioned before, the Kingdom of Tonga is a highly stratified society; which is common among many Polynesian countries. It is estimated that chiefly tribal leadership began in Tonga as early as 3,500 years ago (Boutell & Campbell 1992: 10). This chiefly leadership was significantly changed when Tonga became a monarchy in the 19th century. Many of the chiefs were granted positions of high authority, as nobles, in the new monarchial structure, but having an indigenous monarch changed the politics of this small nation.
The history and geography of Tonga, as well as the political change, are important factors to study in order to better understand the interplay of the unwritten order throughout the several generations of Tongan society. The Kingdom of Tonga lies in the southern Pacific Ocean, southwest of Samoa and southeast of Fiji. Lying just west of the International Date Line, Tonga is the first country to see each new day. The Kingdom is comprised of three main island groups; Tongatapu, the southern group; Ha’apai, the central group; and Vava’u, the northern group. Out of around 170 islands, nearly 40 are inhabited with a total population of just over 100,000 people. Approximately half of the population resides on the biggest island of Tongatapu.
From archeological evidence and radiocarbon dating, it appears that the islands were first inhabited around 1,500 BC (Boutell & Campbell 1992: 8). The origin of the Tongan islands has been explored by geologists as well as by Tongan myth. One Tongan myth includes a Polynesian god named Tangaloa. The myth indicates that Tangaloa went out to fish in the sea. While fishing with a tortoiseshell and whalebone fishhook, Tangaloa caught hold of the ground at the bottom of the ocean and pulled it to the surface to make the island group of Vava’u.
This myth is still told today in schools and to visitors of the islands. Under the current Christian beliefs that most Tongans hold, they do not accept this myth as complete truth, but it is still told and recognized as “history”. The god Tangaloa begins the prominence of power and rank in Tongan society.
Tangaloa was recognized as a god with more power and authority than common man. As a god, Tangaloa represented the top of the hierarchal stratified system of Tonga. It was with his position of rank, prescribed to him at birth, and the leadership power he developed, that allowed him to create the islands of Tonga. In essence, Tonga was developed through power and rank, and as I will explain in this paper, it has been maintained by these same principles for several generations.
From the definitions of power and rank, it is clear that power and rank do not just separate gods and man, but that they can work within the homes and communities of Tonga as well. By narrowing the scope of power and rank to homes and communities we can gain a more detailed approach to the operation of these systems.
Before looking at the community, proper attention must be given to the complex kinship system in Tonga. Kinship and family is essential to Tongan life, and family comes first in practically every avenue of life. The Tongan kinship system is both political and domestic. It is a system of patrilineal authority, with matrilineal traces (Bott 1981:8). While the father has power and authority in the nuclear family, the father’s oldest sister holds the power when it comes to ceremonial functions (i.e. marriage, funerals, etc.). The oldest sister in a family is called the fahu, and she directs the proceedings at such ceremonies (James 1997:50). Within a family, older siblings of the same sex have rank over younger siblings of that sex. The main factors in rank are age, gender, and birth order. The Tongan system is so stratified that even members of the same family are not of the same rank when they step out into the community. Even the family is managed under these principles of rank in an effort to uphold order.
While the family provides the roots of social stratification and hierarchy, the monarchy is the branches and leaves of this same system. Before George Tupou signed the constitution on November 4, 1875 creating a Christianized monarchy, a chiefly class ruled Tonga. These chiefly leaders were often at war with one another, as well as with other countries, such as Fiji and Samoa. The wars between these chiefs created obvious divisions as men of equal rank began fighting against one another to achieve ultimate power. Thus, when George Tupou, an excellent warrior and a chief in Ha’apai, decided to unify the three island groups into one kingdom, he completed the hierarchy by making one overruling figure; the king.
This political move was greatly affected by a religious transition. When King George Tupou was converted to Christianity he accepted the Christian view of one God over all. King Tupou ultimately completed the view of hierarchy and rank in the religious realm with this conversion. Instead of many gods, there was now one god. Rather than several chiefs, there was one King. King Tupou himself then became the completion of power and rank in the mortal realm. Power and rank in Tonga had evolved, and had further developed to preserve the social structure of Tonga.
It is generally accepted that because Tonga was able to develop this unified political system with an indigenous monarch, and accept Christianity, they were able to avoid colonization by European powers that swept the Pacific (Lawson 1996:79). I agree that this explanation may be true, but it only scratches the surface of the real issue. Learning the history of the development of political and social structures is where the answers lie as to how this political system was achieved.
One of the monarchs Queen Salote Tupou III, the granddaughter of King George Tupou, said, “Rank overrules everything” (Wood Ellem 1987, 209). Queen Salote understood the importance of rank, and how it has shaped and continues to shape Tongan life. Therefore rank, and subsequently power, must be explored to understand the laws that govern and control Tonga.
Today, there is growing support for a democracy movement in Tonga. If the monarchy were to be transformed into a democracy type government a division would be created between the political and domestic arenas. To replace the hierarchal ruler with a parliamentary run government would in effect cut off the apex of the current social structure in Tonga.
This change has not yet occurred, and is far from occurring, but it has brought the social structure into question. The pro-democracy movement has created discussions, and attracted some followers. Obviously, the social structure would be altered with a change in the government structure. A challenge of the political realm has also affected the social structure.
This paper will focus on the current issues in Tongan communities as they strive to uphold power and rank by looking at the history and development of the social structure, and examining the current struggles existing today. As history has shown, power and rank are a crucial part of the social structure of Tonga. I believe that if the communities can maintain social power and rank, the governmental structure will be sustained by these same systems. Individual situations, such as Sione’s, will examine those that have entered, or re-entered Tongan life, and fought against the unwritten order that has developed under the rule of rank and power. I argue that while the individuals of the powerless class may win individual battles against the informal laws of the elite, they will not overcome the rank that has held Tonga together for thousands of years.
RECIPROCITY
In discussing power and rank, it is important to recognize the common practice of reciprocity in Tonga, because of its impact on the social order. Power and rank work in the midst of the principles of generalized reciprocity. This give and take sharing atmosphere is practiced in everyday activities in both family life, and within the community.
While immediate family is very important, so is the communal family. Tongans participate in generalized reciprocity to create order in transactions. The limited goods and services are exchanged among members of a community to help everyone obtain what they need.
Reciprocity also works to maintain the power and rank in Tongan society. Members of a community learn to share what they have, and acts of selfishness are discouraged, because selfishness fights against the nature of reciprocity. These principles are passed down to children at a young age as they participate in, and observe, this reciprocal environment in their families and communities. The passing down of principles of power, rank, and respect is an essential element in Tongan life. If these principles are not enforced at a young age, (i.e. by selfishness being punished) the system would fail. Power and rank would be diminished, and individualism would become prominent.
I experienced this firsthand as I became a part of the reciprocal nature of Tonga. It did not take long to realize that eating or drinking in public was considered extremely rude without sharing, or at least offering to share. I noticed stares from people as I walked down the street with food in my hand. I asked one of my friends one day why this was and he responded, “They wonder why you don’t share”. Just as principles are passed down to children, they were also passed down to outsiders, like me, with a gentle nudge.
In Ha’akame, where I conducted fieldwork for several months, I observed reciprocity in the community. There was only one washing machine, one TV cable box, and one rainwater cement container in the village. However, everyone in the village had access to any of these items at any time. Although an individual family owned the item, it was shared with everyone, in effect making it communally owned. When I asked members of the village what would happen if someone else bought a washing machine, almost everyone replied with the question, ‘Why do we need another washing machine?”
These reciprocal dealings did more than just allow members of the village access to different items; it helped keep peace. Villagers realized that they were dependant on one another, and that they were also strengthening bonds of friendship in the process. An island is a very small place, and a village on that island is even smaller. That is precisely why reciprocity works and is put into effect, and why social stratification and hierarchy are present, because it keeps order and peace.
Thus, generalized reciprocity keeps the social structure functioning in Tongan communities, and keeps individuals and families happy and reliant on one another for help. It is another facet of the unwritten order. In this instance the unwritten order diffuses the relevance of individual ownership. Everything is shared with members of communities. This system works and operates efficiently, but what happens when an outsider enters the system?
PROPERTY RIGHTS
The unwritten order is best understood by looking at specific examples. The examples I draw from are the conflicts between the written and unwritten laws in Tonga. When a conflict arises there becomes a division between the elite in the communities, who hold power and rank, and the powerless who are fighting for power and respect. The unwritten order is called on its merits, and is put to the test. Some of the best examples of these conflicts stem from property rights.
I will draw heavily on information I gathered during my four-month fieldwork in the Kingdom of Tonga. This fieldwork began on my first day in the island-nation. On the car ride from the airport to the small village that I would live in for my first few days, I got my first taste, without knowing it, of the informal laws. It was during this car ride that I was introduced to the importance of property rights in Tonga.
Property, such as pigs, chickens, land, and shelter are extremely important in day-to-day life in Tonga. While land and shelter are significant, animals hold a much higher value. If a home were destroyed, rough materials that cover the island can be used to re-create adequate shelter, but animals are not as easy to replace. Not only are animals used in transactions, they are also used in ceremonial functions. How many pigs, or other animals, a family owns determines much of the family’s wealth.
The constitution and the monarchy have created laws to protect individuals’ rights to property. When the constitution was drafted by King George Tupou it initiated the current written and formal laws that are present in Tonga today. While these formal laws are important in Tongan society, they do not overrule the laws that had been in place long before the monarchy or the constitution. The informal laws, or the unwritten order, dictate rank and power and have set up the ideals for the community.
One of my dear friends and consultants, Samisi, taught me the basics of these laws. On our drive home from the airport Samisi discussed the unwritten order. The discussion began when a dog ran out from the ‘uta (bush) and Samisi swerved to try and hit the dog. After Samisi missed the dog he said, “It was almost our lucky day. That could have been lunch”. I realized that Samisi was half joking and half serious.
I inquired about all the dogs and pigs that I saw running around, assuming that they were wild. I asked if they were owned by anyone, and what would happen if he did kill one. Could he just take it? Samisi began teaching me the unwritten order of things in Tonga. He said, “The Tongan people love the pigs. They are very important for food at weddings and funerals. The dogs are most[ly] wild. Some people like to keep dogs, but I don’t know why.”
Samisi did not talk about the law books; he talked about the unwritten order. He told me about the informal laws. He said, “If a dog runs out of the ‘uta and you hit it, you can keep it. But, if a dog or pig runs in the street while you are driving through a village, you have to give the animal back to the village and to its owner. You cannot keep it. That’s why it’s good to drive fast by the ‘uta, maybe you get lucky!”
Over the next few days I watched the pigs and dogs wander around. People did not seem bothered by pigs at all. They were allowed to roam freely, but when a dog came around it was a different story. Dogs arrived on the scene anytime there was food being cooked or served. Dogs were seen as scavengers, and were not looked upon favorably by Tongans. Many times the Tongans would pick up rocks and throw them at the dogs to protect the food they had cooked. I asked Samisi about this and he said, “Sometimes the dogs will try to eat your food. It is okay to throw rocks at them, because no one likes the dogs. But you never throw rocks at pigs, because the owner of the pigs will throw rocks at your pigs and try to kill them.”
This incident became a very clear example of the unwritten order. While the formal law dictated that a person owning animals must control them and keep them on their property, and off others property, the informal law allowed a little lenience. Pigs were allowed to wander freely as a silent agreement between neighbors. People understood that if they allowed their neighbors pigs in their yards, the neighbors would have to show the same generosity. This is in accordance with the Tongan adherence to principles of reciprocity. In this way the informal laws protect animals and other items that hold significance to the social structure.
Dogs, for the most part, are not owned by people, but just wander freely in an effort to survive. As they are not owned by anyone, it is acceptable to throw rocks at them since killing them would not bring any repercussions from the community. Pigs, however, are treated decently because of the value they hold in ceremonial functions. I only saw one person ever throw a rock at a pig. As it turns out that one person did not own any pigs himself, and thus was able to follow the formal law of keeping animals off his property. If that man would have killed his neighbors pig from throwing a rock, the neighbor would be upset, but the neighbor would have no excuse to take action because the man did not have animals that went into his yard. That is how the system works; it is reciprocal in nature. Everyone knows their roles within the system, because they have lived them their whole life. That is the importance of the Tongan community; it teaches the principles and rules that members are to live by.
In discussing the issue of informal laws, I do recognize that an unwritten order exists in almost every society across the world. The unique situation in Tonga is the effect that the unwritten order has throughout the society. The unwritten order goes beyond the household and community, and enters national affairs and government issues. The unwritten order in Tonga has given rise to power and rank, which has in turn strengthened the stratification and hierarchy in Tonga. Understanding the unwritten order is essential to understanding Tongan culture and society.
The best way I found to examine the unwritten order was watching struggles between the formal and informal laws. These struggles generally ensued when outsiders, or strangers, entered communities and clashed over property rights and other issues.
STRANGERS TO THE COMMUNITY
During my four months of fieldwork in Tonga, I lived and studied in two communities. Half of my time was spent in the village of Talau on the island of Vava’u. And the remainder of my time was spent on the main island of Tongatapu, in a small village called Ha’akame. It was in these communities that I was able to witness the reaction of a community to a stranger. A stranger in Tonga is defined as anyone that was not born in Tonga but was now living on the island, or anyone (Tongan or not) that had no family in that particular community. In other words a stranger is a person that has no recognized rank or power within a community because they have no role or position.
The Tongans make clear distinctions between races. They affectionately call “white people”, palangi’s. The term palangi’s is an interesting one though. Tongans that act like Americans, or other European people, are called palangi’s. Thus, a palangi is one that is from an Anglo background, or one that acts like they are. There are exceptions though. Not all white people are palangi’s, and not all those with Tongan blood are considered Tongan. For instance, a white person that was born and raised in Tonga and speaks Tongan is considered to be Tongan. However, a person with Tongan ethnic background that has lived overseas and does not speak Tongan is referred to as a palangi. The people of Tonga make a distinct separation between insider and stranger. Family does play a key role though. A palangi that has respected family in the community is treated much differently than one that does not.
Throughout my fieldwork I ran into several people that were considered strangers. I myself was a stranger, but I was not considered a serious threat to the community, because I was only going to be there for a few months. By watching how Tongans treated other strangers, the unwritten order becomes more apparent. Strangers enact certain disruptions as they bring their personal social system into the very complex and established social system in Tonga. To explain in greater detail I will share three situations in which strangers were introduced to a community and the results of the interactions.
Continuing with Sione’s story provides an excellent example of such a situation. Sione was born in Talau, and he was full-blooded Tongan. Yet, when he first came back to Tonga from the United States he described being treated as an outsider.
Sione told of some of his experiences, and he, like Samisi, told me the importance of pigs in ceremonial functions in Tonga. Pigs are killed and roasted only on special occasions. Sione explained that most Tongans have pigs to kill and cook for these special occasions. However, they are many families that do not. When Sione returned from the United States, he saw this as a business opportunity. Sione witnessed that the families that did not have enough pigs to feed everyone at special ceremonial functions, would buy them from neighbors. Sione wanted to establish himself in the community, and so with his idea he began to raise pigs to sell to families that needed them for ceremonial functions. These pigs became his financial support, and he worked hard to take care of the pigs so he could sell them for a good price.
Sione’s history is interesting. Sione was raised by his Tongan family in the United States, and as a result he was raised with many of the ideals that Tongans hold with respect, especially the ideals of family and community. However, Sione had also grown up around the ‘American’ way of doing things. This is why he was first observed as an outsider and a stranger upon his return to Vava’u. Sione realized that he had to reconcile the differences and get accustomed to the Tongan way of life. He tried his best learn the informal laws that he was to follow so that he could re-enter the community. Sione soon learned that he was going to be put to the test for two reasons. One, to prove that he truly was willing to accept the Tongan traditions. And secondly, the members of his village could take advantage of him, as he got accustomed to the unwritten order.
There are laws in Tonga that protect ownership, and there are also the unwritten laws that attempt to keep everything in order. Sometimes the formal and informal laws come into conflict in the face of the hierarchal structure in Tongan society. The Tongan Constitution has a heavy Christian influence as a result of Wesleyan missionaries that came to Tonga and converted George Tupou to Christianity. Because of the hierarchal system, when King George Tupou I was converted to Christianity most of the people followed out of respect to a person of higher power and rank. The people under King Tupou recognized his power and followed.
With this conversion of the King to Christianity, and a nation that followed, the Constitution was written with a heavy religious tone. One of the laws says, “It shall be unlawful for people to steal” (Latukefu 1975: 218). This law is extremely similar to one of the Ten Commandments in the Bible (See Exodus 20:15). This is the case with most of the formal laws such as Sabbath day observance, adultery, and dressing modestly. For example, it is against the formal laws for a man to take off his shirt in public. If a man were to disobey this law an arrest and fine by the police would follow.
Most people follow these laws and commandments, but the law of ‘stealing’ takes on a new meaning under the influence of a society that practices generalized reciprocity. Under this system private goods and property are commonly ‘borrowed’ and ‘shared’, sometimes without consent. This creates problems when strangers enter Tongan communities. Most strangers live by the formal laws they have been accustomed to most of their lives. As these strangers enter Tongan communities, the community recognizes this difference. Teaching strangers to a community is much different than teaching children about the principles of the unwritten order. Strangers have a background and history outside of the community, so in effect they have to be put to the test and taught the informal laws in a brash manner. However, this often creates conflict between the formal and informal laws of Tonga.
By being considered a stranger to the community, Sione was affected by this same situation. Soon after he began raising pigs, he noticed that many of them started disappearing. As both Samisi and Sione taught me, pigs are trained to return home every night for food. This training is conducted when the pig is very young. The pig is tied up to a tree near the owners’ home and left there for several months. After two or three months the pig can be released and allowed to run free. As a result of being tied to the tree for so long, the pig learns to come back every night for food and sleep. To an outsider of the community it appears as if the pigs are running free, but every pig knows its owner, and every member of the community knows the pigs’ owner as well. Interestingly it is against the formal laws of Tonga to let animals run onto others property. The formal laws that protect property rights are replaced by the informal laws that create an understanding that benefits the members of the community. Everyone agrees that ‘your pig can run around in my yard if my pig can run around in yours.’
In Sione’s case one of his neighbors was able to take advantage of Sione’s lack of rank and power. The neighbor decided that he did not want Sione’s pigs running around in his yard, and he could use the formal laws as a justification of his action. Sione’s neighbor began taking and killing his pigs.
Sione discovered through word of mouth who was taking his pigs. He confronted his neighbor about the incident the neighbor said the pigs were running in his yard and eating his food, and that was against the law, so he was authorized to kill the pigs in accordance of the law. Sione felt the injustice as this neighbors pigs roamed freely in his own yard, but Sione realized he could do nothing about it. Sione recognized the unwritten order, and he understood to some degree the consequences of fighting against it.
Sione explained to me, “I knew that I could call the police and then my neighbors would hate me. Or, I could forget about the lost money and try to keep my pigs in my yard.” Sione determined that in order to find his place in the community, he would have to work his way up the power structure by earning the respect of his neighbors. As Sione forgave and swallowed many expensive losses, the members of the village began to recognize him more readily as a member of the community. Sione chose not to challenge the informal law by enacting the formal laws. He was being tested on his willingness to become part of the community and live the unwritten order. As Sione became more accepted he attributed this to his acknowledgment of his role as a stranger to the community with little power. If he had fought against the informal laws in his powerless state, he would have always been seen as a stranger.
Sione introduced me to another couple going through a similar circumstance. Sean and Lisa were brand new to the village of Talau when I first arrived there. They had come as friends of the Royal Family. Sean and Lisa knew some Tongans in the United States, and these friends introduced them to members of the Royal Family. The Princess of Tonga invited Sean and Lisa to open a business in Talau, with financial assistance provided by the Royal Family.
Upon coming to Talau, Sean and Lisa experienced theft of personal property. Although they were tied to the Royal Family, they were shown no extra privileges. They had to prove themselves. Sione heard about the incident, and immediately began to counsel Sean and Lisa about the unwritten order. Lisa had some pants stolen by a lady who was doing her laundry, and Sean had some tools stolen from their house while they were away at the market. Sean and Lisa were both upset about the incident and wanted to contact the Police to get their belongings back. This is when Sione intervened, and when I first met Sean and Lisa.
Sione became friends with Sean and Lisa as he counseled them on the Tongan way of life. He also volunteered his time to help them begin their business. He helped with construction and cleaning up so that the place would be ready for customers. I offered my assistance to both Sione, and Lisa and Sean, in order to help, and to watch the conflict evolve.
Lisa and Sean were upset about the thefts that had occurred, and they knew that stealing was against Tongan law. They wanted justice from the formal laws. Before they could contact the police, Sione asked if he could just talk to them about the ‘Tongan way’. Sione agreed that they could go to the police, and probably fight to get their belongings back. However, he explained the consequences of such a decision. Sione explained that no one from the village would ever come to their restaurant, because they were strangers to the community who had fought against the informal laws. Sione conceded that they would win a small battle against the informal laws if they took the matter to the police, but that they would lose much more in the long run. Sione explained that they were being tested, much like he had been a few years earlier. Sione said, “The Tongan people are not stupid. They know how Americans are. They think Americans have lots of money. They know Americans like to think only about themselves. They are trying to see if you will live the Tongan way.”
Sean and Lisa decided not to take any formal action, but they were more careful with their belongings to make sure it did not happen again. They tried to live the unwritten order, however difficult, in order to find their place in the community.
Another example comes from Stephanie. Stephanie was another stranger in the Tongan village of Talau. When I arrived in Talau, Stephanie had already lived there for about 5 years. She had been in the village longer than Sione, but her experience was a little bit different. I soon became acquainted with her, and learned of her story.
Stephanie was also from the United States, and she came to Tonga as a self-appointed missionary. She rented a small place on the outside of the village, and kept to herself during the week. On the weekends she would visit the prison and the hospital to do her missionary service. Stephanie took a different road then Sione, Sean and Lisa.
With a background in law in the United States, Stephanie decided to take on the unwritten order.
It all began when Stephanie noticed a cow tied up to a tree near her home. She began watching the cow to see if anyone ever took care of it. She saw that all the grass in a radius the length of the rope around the tree had been eaten. The cow got skinnier, and Stephanie never saw anyone come to take care of it. She inquired around town to ask if anyone knew who the owner of this cow was. Stephanie found out that the man that owned the cow lived overseas. Stephanie took the matter to the police and asked if they were going to do anything about the mistreatment of the cow. The police were Tongan, and they were schooled in the unwritten order. They explained that the cow belonged to a man from the town, and so they could do nothing, as it was his property.
Stephanie was not satisfied with this and she looked in the law books. She found that it was against the law to mistreat or abuse animals. When she took this law to the police they were surprised the law even existed. The Police, like most Tongans, understood hierarchy and understood that animals were below humans and were treated as power and rank dictated. Stephanie took the law to court and won a battle that gave her temporary ownership of the cow. She was able to care for the cow until the man who originally owned the cow came back and proved to the courts that he was able to properly take care of the animal.
Stephanie won the battle in court, but she lost a battle in the village. To many of her neighbors, Stephanie had crossed the line and acted out of her place in the community.
These experiences bring an intimate look at the forces working behind the scenes. Again, I recognize that most communities around the world have such laws that govern the way the people live. However, in Tonga I found a unique atmosphere where these informal laws were coming into contact with formal laws as newcomers were entering the society. Strangers were causing disruptions, and though these disruptions began in villages, they are beginning to be felt in the larger political arena.
All three parties that were involved in the above experiences described feeling injustices, but they each handled the situation differently. Each of them found a place in the highly stratified hierarchal structure, although it may have not been the place they desired. With these experiences in mind, my desire is to explore the issue of power and take a modern approach to the situation in modern-day Tonga. Many changes are occurring as these strangers enter communities all over the islands, but will these changes be enough to change the tide of the unwritten order?
MODERN DAY POWER AND RANK IN TONGA
The political issues that are being brought into question in Tonga today are a direct result of strangers to the community. Through interviews of pro-democracy supporters, as well as supporters of the alternate program, the Ko Toa (I am Tongan) movement, I was able to look at strangers entering the politics of Tongan government. Both parties agreed that the majority of the supporters of the pro-democracy movement are palangi Tongans. These are Tongans that have lived several years overseas and built up power and rank internationally. As they come back to Tonga they see the monarchial style leadership as primitive.
However, the monarchy is protected by the constitution. Clause 41 states that the reigning Monarch cannot be impeached. Clauses 67 and 69 explain that the Constitution, which protects the Monarch, cannot be changed without his or her consent (Powles 1992). So in order for the Monarchy to be overthrown, there would have to a Marxian type revolution to overthrow the Monarch and the Royal Family. This type of revolution would require the followings of the masses of the common people in Tonga.
The Constitution allows free speech in all aspects of life, except speaking against the Monarch or the Royal Family. It states,
“It shall be lawful for all people to speak and write and print their opinions and no law shall ever be enacted to restrict this liberty. There shall be freedom of speech and of the press for ever but nothing in this clause shall be held to outweigh the law of slander or the laws for the protection of the King and the Royal Family” (Latukefu 1975).
This inclusion in the Constitution protects the Royal Family against slandering and ill speaking, and in a sense controlling the masses. It appears that the top of the hierarchal structure in Tonga is protected by the Constitution, as well as by the common people in Tonga. So while outsiders may fight against the Monarchial style of government, they will not succeed until they gain the support of the common class of Tonga.
That is why so much attention has been given to the communal level in Tonga. Strangers to these communities have created conflicts in the unwritten order that governs day-to-day life action. From the examples in this paper, it is clear that there is still a strong sense of power and rank in Tongan society. This power and rank has been influential since the beginning of Tongan history, and is still being played out today.
CONCLUSION
From these arguments it becomes clear that power and rank have adapted and changed over time, but they have not decreased in importance and substance. In this paper I have explored a wide range of issues in Tongan society. Beginning with the history of power and rank in Tonga, and how it has developed into what it is today. Truly, power and rank have evolved and changed throughout the years, but they still represent key issues in Tongan society. This has been represented by the ethnographic data supplied showing instances of strangers entering Tongan communities and facing the informal powers head on. Reciprocity, power, and rank have molded the social system in Tonga and reinforced the informal laws on the family, community, religious, and political levels.
While current struggles are putting the hierarchal system in challenge, these struggles have been quickly overcome by reliance to power and rank. The powerless class in Tonga may win independent battles in their fight against the informal code, as did Stephanie, but these systems of power and rank have held Tongan society together since the beginning of their history. While pro-democracy movements and other political challenges have been presented, these too will not be overcome without the downfall of power in rank in Tongan communities. In 1958, Queen Salote said, “Rank overrules everything” (Wood Ellem 1987: 209) , and it still holds true today.