Bradley Miller and Dr. Janis B. Nuckolls, Linguistics
The original Quechua language was the main language spoken in the ancient Inca Empire. This language became over the years the native language of many Indians of Peru, Bolivia, Ecuador, Argentina and Chile. However in the 1500’s, with the conquistadores, Spanish became the language of dominance and power in Ecuador. Over time, and because of geographical and social separations, Quechua has become separated into several different dialects. Scientifically these dialects are considered mutually intelligible, though most natives say this isn’t true.
Ecuador’s province of Pastaza possesses speakers of the northern Pastaza dialect, which is most similar to southern Pastaza dialect yet still very different from it and its neighbors the Napo, Tena, Cañar, and Chimborazo dialects. The distinct dialectal differences are apparent when a native of the Andes attempts speech with a native from the Amazonian regions. This creates a psychological boundary that speakers will not often cross to communicate. Since the lingua franca remains Spanish, Quichua is more often seen spoken in the tightly woven circles of friends and family.
Though Pastaza Quechua (Quichua) is spoken by a large number of natives, it is still seen as an “inferior” language and not useful in the increasingly westernized province. It is mostly spoken within the jungle regions, where western influence is still minimal and traditional values are still highly regarded. Its use, however, diminishes dramatically when economic need arises and migration occurs to the larger cities of Pastaza or beyond into other provinces. When migration does occur, the younger generations continue to feel that Quichua is a part of their identity but is not necessary in order to succeed. In school the children are taught in Spanish and adapt the custom of speaking Quichua only with those elders that speak limited Spanish.
My research took me to the towns of Shell, Puyo, Paca Yacu and Montalvo, as well as other communities along the Bobonaza River in Pastaza. In these communities I interviewed nearly 100 individuals that either speak Quichua or know what Quichua is. These interviews focused on the peoples language attitudes and personal experience. This was done to be able to quantify when, where and with whom people speak Quichua as well to see their personal opinions about its use and vitality.
Beyond the interviews I also had the opportunity to live with the people and see how Quichua was used, when it was used and what the general public opinion was concerning its use and the people who use it. The purpose of the interviews was to see the opinions the people have concerning the Quichua language and their views of its vitality. Each informant was unique and very helpful in showing just how the people feel and think concerning Quichua. The interviews were conducted in both Spanish and Quichua for ease of the informants. The data is currently being input into a computer data sheet for further analysis. However, after having looked over the interviews, I have noticed a startling trend. Most of the younger generation are refusing to learn Quichua and speak Spanish most often. This trend shows an increasing loss of language use, which could result in the language becoming endangered much sooner that previously imagined. These trends, however, are not conclusive until the data can be analyzed statistically. With that data in place, I will be able to more accurately state what the people think of Quichua.
Quichua itself is a strong language where spoken, however geographical, social and economic boundaries are causing its extinction and/or change to occur much quicker than previously anticipated. As the language is lost, when people set Quichua to one side and adopt Spanish as their primary language, the loss of cultural identity becomes more apparent. Traditions, history, medicinal knowledge, fables and stories, dances and typical foods give way to a melting pot of cultures, where no one person is identified as unique. With this loss of language changes in ways and manners of thinking occur, creating less individualism and self-identity. The one is lost in the multitude, and the unique gives way to the ordinary. It will be interesting to continue this research, with more focus in different aspects such as schooling and government participation to more fully report on the status of Pastaza Quichua and its use.
References
- Haboud, Marleen 1998. Quichua y castellano en los Andes ecuatorianos: los effectos de un contacto prolongado, Quito: Abya-Yala Press
- King, Kendall A. 2000. “Inspecting the unexpected: language status and corpus shifts as aspects of Quichua revitalization.” Language Problems and Language Planning 22, pp.109-132
- King, Kendall A. 2000. “Inspecting the unexpected: language status and corpus shifts as aspects of Quichua revitalization.” Language Problems and Language Planning 22, pp.109-132.
- Nuckolls, Janis B. 2004. “To be or not to be ideophonically impoverished”. Texas Linguistics Forum, volume 47, (SALSA XI)
- Nuckolls, Janis B. 2004. “Language and nature in sound alignment” In Erlmann, Veit (ed.) Hearing Cultures: Essays on Sound, Listening and Modernity. Berg Publishers, Oxford International Publishers Ltd.